
A | 8月24日消息,近日,保时捷Sonderwunsch特殊定制部门对外发布了一台独一无二的定制车型Flachbau RS。这台可合法上路的跑车基于991.2代911 GT2 RS打造,由私人车主发起定制,联合Manthey团队耗时近三年打磨完成。 车辆外观最大亮点,是复刻了传奇赛车935/78“Moby Dick(白鲸)” 的经典斜鼻造型。重新设计的前翼子板线条低矮流畅,翼子板增设百叶窗出风口疏导轮拱气压,油箱结构也随之重新调整。

B | (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity. Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies. Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience. Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence. He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception. This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance. A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice. The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems. The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers. Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation. That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China. China's context, however, is fundamentally different. As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history. This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity. From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity. This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion. In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions. Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state. Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities. So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies. They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality.
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传统圆形大灯被纵向排布的超薄分层LED灯组替代,灯光组件尺寸被压缩到极小,完美契合低趴车身姿态。车漆选用经典大奖赛白,机盖与车顶采用黑白拼接设计,以此致敬昔日马天尼涂装的白鲸赛车。 整车空气动力学经过全面优化,前杠风刀、底盘导流部件、后扩散器与后轮碳纤维轮罩协同工作。

C | 车尾搭载灵感源自赛车的大号尾翼,相比普通版本抬高5厘米,支持三档角度手动调节。 极速340km/h、高下压力模式下,后轴能够产生554公斤下压力,高速行驶稳定性十分出色。 在原厂轻量化套件基础上,该车又实现31.6公斤减重。座舱保留了碳纤维运动桶椅,头枕、仪表台都带有专属身份标识。 座椅后方区域完全赛道化改造,车机、音响、隔音材料全部拆除,大量使用裸露金属与碳纤维饰板,公路必备配件收纳为可拆卸应急盒,赛道使用时可以直接取下。 作为原厂出品,这台车并非单纯的外观改装,而是经历了完整严苛的开发验证。 开发阶段完成大量流体仿真与结构模拟,还打造三台测试样车,在纽博格林北环完成50圈实测,综合测试强度等效普通车辆15万公里使用里程。

D | 测试车手表示,即便极高车速下,车辆依旧拥有优秀的稳定性。
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Published on:12:07:09
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